![]() 1 Furthermore, the proportions of the labor force represented by unions and by licensing (their “densities”) at their peaks have been roughly equal at 30 percent. Lewis first estimated several decades ago for unions and Morris Kleiner and Alan Krueger most recently observed for occupational licensing. ![]() For example, both unions and occupational licensing have had roughly equal effects on relative wages, at least on average, with effects in the 10- to 15-percent range, as H. Unions and occupational licensing share several common characteristics. We argue that the paucity of successful de-licensing efforts is due to intense lobbying by associations of licensed professionals as well as the high costs of sunset reviews by state agencies charged with the periodic review of licensing and its possible termination. The reason proposed for most of these efforts is that excessive levels of licensing have hindered job creation, especially for people with lower levels of education. In this article, we identify and analyze those rare instances when occupational licensing laws have been eliminated-what we refer to as “de-licensing.” We also discuss recent examples in which courts decided to limit the scope of occupational licensing laws, and we analyze recent efforts (almost uniformly unsuccessful) of a few states to de-license groups of occupations. workers today and continues to grow in density and scope. Occupational licensing directly affects nearly 30 percent of U.S. ![]() Article May 2015 The de-licensing of occupations in the United States ![]()
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